1. The Committee announced an aggressive "Operation Twist" and then some, by indicating that it will invest proceeds from agency security paydowns back into the agency MBS market.

    On net, the scope of the maturity extension program announced was very close to our expectations.

    This is from a commentary that was published on September 20, 2011.

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  3. The FOMC chatter during the intermeeting period was dominated by Fed officials offering their views on the (conditional) calendar-based forward rate guidance in the August statement. We see a deeply divided Committee, whose members offered a wide range of perspectives on the August decision.

    This is from a commentary that was published on September 19, 2011.

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  4. A key question in everyone's mind is what the next easing step will be. We expect sterilized large-scale asset purchases (S-LSAPS, duration extension, or "Operation Twist") to be the next "big" easing step, but more likely in November.

    This is from a commentary that was published on September 16, 2011.

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  5. Monthly GDP surged 1.1% in July, essentially reversing declines over the prior two months. The increase in July was accounted for by large contributions from net exports, inventories, and PCE. There were small, offsetting contributions elsewhere. Monthly GDP in July was 1.9% above the Q2 average at an annual rate. Our latest tracking forecast of 1.6% GDP growth in the third quarter assumes essentially a flat trend in monthly GDP over the balance of the third quarter.






    Macroeconomic Advisers’ index of Monthly GDP (MGDP) is a monthly indicator of real aggregate output that is conceptually consistent with real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the NIPA’s. The consistency is derived from two sources. First, MGDP is calculated using much of the same underlying monthly source data that is used in the calculation of GDP. Second, the method of aggregation to arrive at MGDP is similar to that for official GDP. Growth of MGDP at the monthly frequency is determined primarily by movements in the underlying monthly source data, and growth of MGDP at the quarterly frequency is nearly identical to growth of real GDP.

    This is from a commentary that was published on September 9, 2011.

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  6. Last week President Obama unveiled his much-heralded jobs plan, the American Jobs Act of 2011 (AJA 2011). It was bigger than expected, with a price tag of $447 billion. More than half the total ($245 billion) is in the form of temporary tax relief, with most of the balance in infrastructure spending. We estimate that if enacted promptly and assuming no monetary offset, the plan will:
    • Boost GDP growth roughly 11⁄4 percentage points in 2012 by pulling growth forward, mostly from 2013.
    • Raise payroll employment 1.3 million by the end 2012, 0.8 million by the end of 2013, and progressively smaller amounts thereafter.
    • These estimates do not reflect jobs that might be created in response to tax incentives for hiring included in the plan. While an argument can be made for such effects, we believe them to be modest (more below).
    • Our simulation does not include the effects of an initiative, under consideration by the Administration, to direct federal housing agencies to facilitate mortgage refinancing. We will publish a piece on this shortly.
    • The President will recommend offsetting the cost of AJA 2011 over the coming decade. The “pay-fors” imply fiscal drag not included in the simulation, but this will be modest and most likely occur after 2013 when the economy is stronger and the Federal Reserve is better positioned to accommodate it.
    • Our published forecast already assumes a one-year extension of the current employee payroll tax holiday. Hence, if the President’s plan was enacted in its entirety, we would revise up our forecast for GDP growth in 2012 by about a percentage point, not the full amount shown in this analysis.

    THE PLAN 
    The plan was bigger than expected. Press reports—even those filed shortly before the official announcement—speculated that the package would cost between $300 and $400 billion. The plan would: 
    1. (1) Extend the current employee payroll tax holiday for another year, and increase it from 2 percentage points to 3.1 percentage points. Cost: $175 billion.

      (2) Introduce a one-year, 3.1 percentage-point employer payroll tax holiday on the first $5 million of a 
      company’s payroll. In addition, waive for one year the entire 6.2 percentage-point employer contribution on incremental increases in payroll of up to $50 million. Cost: $65 billion.

      (3) Extend 100% business expensing of purchases of equipment and software through 2012. Under current law, 50% expensing is allowed in 2012 before depreciation schedules then revert to previous guidelines. Cost: $5 billion. 

      (4) Allot $35 billion to states for hiring of teachers and first responders. This money, which must be spent during the 2012-13 academic year, is earmarked and so is more targeted at jobs than would be a block grant.1 However, we do view this money as somewhat fungible. Therefore, we assume that $20 billion of the total will be used directly to pay state and local employees, preserving nearly 200,000 jobs in 2012, but that the remaining $15 billion is used to prevent cuts in other state and local programs. 

      (5) Extend unemployment benefits while reforming the unemployment insurance program. Cost: $49 billion. This boosts disposable income, aggregate demand, and hence employment. However, as we have written recently elsewhere, we estimate that extending benefits also encourages people to remain in the work force to become eligible for the benefits, on balance raising the unemployment rate.

      (6) Allot $105 billion for infrastructure spending, including monies to modernize public schools ($30 billion), improve transportation networks ($50 billion), rehabbing or repurposing vacant properties ($15 billion), and for establishing a new infrastructure bank ($10 billion). Most of the funding is targeted at programs with fast spend-outs. We estimate that 2/5 of this money will be spent by the end of 2012, 2/3 of it by the end of 2013, and the rest over the next several years. 


      The President has instructed his economic team to work with Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, and the FHFA to devise a strategy for removing barriers that prevent strapped homeowners from re-financing at today’s rock-bottom interest rates. Refinancing could free up cash flow for consumers to spend, providing an additional modest boost to the economy. Such a plan is not included in our simulation here, but we will publish a piece on this initiative shortly. 

      Finally, the President will present to the Joint Select Committee (JSC) on deficit reduction, established under the Budget Control Act (BCA) of 2011, his recommendations on how to pay for AJA 2011 over the coming decade. We expect this payback will build only gradually and not begin until 2014, so as not to offset the stimulus in 2012 or to reinforce the payback in 2013. 

      SIMULATION RESULTS

      We used our macro model to simulate the effects of AJA 2011 through 2015 against a baseline that assumes none of the provisions of the plan. When constructing the simulation we assumed no offsetting change in monetary policy since, in the near term, we believe the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) would welcome faster growth while, in the intermediate, term there is no lasting impact on either the unemployment rate or inflation from the temporary stimulus. In addition, we did not include any “pay- fors” that the President might recommend. These would produce modest fiscal drag, probably after 2013. However, we believe the FOMC could offset relatively easily by engineering a slight decline in interest rates relative to the baseline.3
       
      Our results are summarized in the two nearby charts. The plan boosts real GDP growth (measured 4th quarter over 4th quarter) by 1.3 percentage points in 2012, but lowers it by almost the same amount in 2013, leaving the level of GDP after 2013 slightly above the baseline — a reflection of both the “tail” on infrastructure spending and the fact that the private capital stock remains higher even through 2015. Payroll employment is boosted 1.3 million by the end of 2012, 0.8 million by the end of 2013 and by diminishing amounts thereafter. The gradual decline in employment towards the baseline reflects lags in the response of labor demand to output. The unemployment rate is reduced by an average of 0.3 percentage point over the period 2012-2105. That the decline in unemployment is so modest in 2012 reflects an increase in labor force participation encouraged by the extension of emergency unemployment benefits. The impact on inflation (not shown) was negligible.





      MORE ON THE JOBS TAX CREDIT
      The incremental tax credit could temporarily boost employment in two ways. First, it could encourage employers to hire workers in 2012 rather than later if the value of the tax credit exceeds the expected benefit of delaying the hires. Second, by lowering the relative price of labor the credit could encourage substitution of labor for capital. An example might be a firm that, instead of buying new computers, takes advantage of the credit to hire IT personnel to maintain or upgrade existing systems. Our model does not allow such ex post substitution (capital / labor proportions are assumed to be variable before the capital is in place, but fixed after) so we could not directly simulate this possibility. However, there is some evidence in the academic literature on labor demand suggesting a small short-run substitution elasticity that could imply a jobs effect from the incremental credit. 

      For example, the incremental tax credit reduces the marginal after-tax wage rate by 6.2%. Since, on average, wages constitute 80% of compensation, the credit might reduce marginal after-tax compensation by 0.8*6.2% = 4.9%. Note, however, the President’s plan extends 100% expensing through 2012, and we estimate that this reduces the marginal after-tax cost of capital by 2.3%, so that the relative price of labor declines by only 2.6%. If the short-run substitution elasticity is 0.1, the resulting increase in labor demand is 0.26%. This could be met either by increasing the workweek or by hiring extra workers.4 Suppose 3⁄4 of the increase in demand, or 0.18%, is met with new hires. Private payrolls (governments do not claim the credit and hence do not respond to it) are about 109 million. So, 0.18 % of 109 million is roughly 200 thousand. Yet we view even this modest number with suspicion, given the announced temporary nature of the incentive and that currently lack of aggregate demand is the principal constraint on current hiring. It seems unlikely to us that in today’s weak economy, the credit would compel firms to incur the fixed costs of first increasing and then decreasing their labor / capital ratio all within a year.


      CONCLUDING COMMENTS
      The package is intended to deliver stimulus that is timely, temporary, and targeted to areas of immediate need, while promising to pay for stimulus when the economy is stronger and the FOMC better poised to offset any drag associated with the payback. On these grounds the plan seems reasonable to us. It is not, however, a panacea that will put the unemployment rate on a notably steeper descent towards full employment. Rather, it shifts growth from the future, when we hope the economy will be stronger, to today when we know it remains mired in a sub-par expansion.

       ______
      1 See “Granting Jobs to States”, Macroeconomic Advisers’ Macro Musing (Volume 4, Number 17; August 26, 2011).
      2 See “Extended UI Benefits Cloud Interpretation of Labor-Market Data”, Macroeconomic Advisers’ Macro Focus (Volume 6, Number 11; September 7, 2011).
      3 Our baseline assumes—perhaps optimistically—that the JSC achieves an extra $1.5 trillion in deficit reduction by 2021 beyond the spending caps enacted as part of BCA 2011. However, any savings the JSC achieves over $1.2 trillion will prevent automatic spending cuts of that amount. Hence, one could even argue that our simulation already reflects most of the “pay-fors” required to offset the cost of AJA 2011.
      4 The credit is for incremental increases in payroll, not employees.



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  7. We expect additional monetary policy easing just ahead, but we have low expectations about the Fed's ability to provide further substantial stimulus.

    It's not that the Fed is powerless to address the most recent bout of economic weakness. It's just that its remaining options have either limited potential to provide further stimulus or high perceived costs (or both).

    This is from a commentary that was published on September 9, 2011.



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  9. We estimate that the American Jobs Act (AJA), if enacted, would give a significant boost to GDP and employment over the near-term.
    • The various tax cuts aimed at raising workers’ after-tax income and encouraging hiring and investing, combined with the spending increases aimed at maintaining state & local employment and funding infrastructure modernization, would:
      • Boost the level of GDP by 1.3% by the end of 2012, and by 0.2% by the end of 2013.
      • Raise nonfarm establishment employment by 1.3 million by the end of 2012 and 0.8 million by the end of 2013, relative to the baseline.
    • The program works directly to raise employment through tax incentives and support to state & local governments for increasing hiring; it works indirectly through the positive boost to aggregate demand (and hence hiring) stimulated by the direct spending and the increase in household income resulting from lower employee payroll taxes and increased employment.
    Because the package is some $100-$150 billion larger than the proposal widely reported in the press and that we wrote about two weeks ago, these effects are expected to be significantly larger than previously expected.

    This simulation did not incorporate potential incentive effects on employment from the payroll tax credit for new hires.
    • Studies have found that such credits do incent increased hiring. 
    • However, it is difficult to know the employment base of the firms eligible to receive the credit, hence we could not form an estimate of the aggregate employment gain 
    • That we did not allow for these effects suggests some upside risks to these employment estimates presented here.
    Because these initiatives are planned to expire by the end of 2012 — except for the infrastructure spending, which has a longer tail — the GDP and employment effects are expected to be temporary.
    • That is, these proposals will pull forward increases in GDP and employment, not permanently raise their level.
    • Nevertheless, there may be good reasons to want to implement such programs today, if the government can follow through on the commitment to trim deficits later:
      • There remains considerable slack in the economy and nearly all forecasts anticipate only a gradual decline in the unemployment rate over the next couple of years.
      • Given the elevated risk of recession the U.S. faces today, additional near-term stimulus reduces that risk.
      • Given the deleterious effects of long-term unemployment on an individual’s skills and long-term employment prospects, speeding a return to employment is both individually and socially beneficial.
      • With monetary policy’s limited room to lower rates and stimulate demand, there is a role for counter-cyclical fiscal policy.



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  10. When the Chairman discusses the FOMC's medium-term inflation objective, we suspect that many in the market interpret him as saying that the inflation goal is also a near-term objective. This interpretation undermines the FOMC's ability to ease under current circumstances.
    • If the "2% or slightly below" inflation objective were also a short-term goal, the FOMC would respond to even short-term deviations of core inflation from its target.
    • It appears that the fact that year-to-date core inflation is running slightly above 2% is a constraint on whether, how, and how aggressively the FOMC is prepared to ease.
    • Our interpretation is that the FOMC is not actually so set on hitting the 2% inflation objective over the near term, but market perceptions do matter, especially when those perceptions are a risk to the stability of longer-term inflation expectations.

    A key issue is providing clarity on how tolerant the FOMC is, or should be, about short-run departures of core inflation from 2%. We propose a new policy regime, called monitoring-range inflation targeting (MRIT, pronounced "merit") that provides such clarity.
    • Under MRIT, the FOMC announces an explicit medium-term headline inflation target-e.g., 2%-together with a short-term monitoring range for expected core inflation-e.g., 1.5% to 2.5% on a 12-month change basis.
    • Under MRIT, if the labor market did not improve significantly, the FOMC would keep the funds rate "exceptionally low" as long as near-term core inflation was projected to stay within the monitoring range, provided, of course, longer-term inflation expectations remained consistent with the medium-term inflation target.
    • We don't know whether the FOMC is or will be considering MRIT. We strongly believe that it should! Indeed, we believe it so strongly that we anticipate something akin to MRIT being announced, perhaps early next year.

    With core PCE inflation not expected to move above 2.5% for a very long time, MRIT would signal that the FOMC expects to stay exceptionally accommodative well beyond 2013.
    • An advantage of MRIT over other easing options is that it doesn't involve an expansion of the balance sheet-as required by QE3-or a temporary increase in the effective inflation target-as would be the case under price level targeting.
    • Like pure inflation targeting, MRIT would reinforce the medium-term commitment to price stability, but it would preserve the FOMC's flexibility in the short run.
    • Like price level targeting, MRIT would signal a greater tolerance for higher inflation in the near term, but with lower risks to the stability of long-term inflation expectations.


    An Inflation Targeting Regime with a Short-Run Monitoring Range
    We propose that the FOMC announce an explicit medium-term target for headline inflation and a shorter-term monitoring range for expected core inflation.[1] We refer to this as a "Monitoring-Range Inflation Targeting" regime," or MRIT.[2] For instance, the FOMC could announce a 2% medium-term target for headline inflation and a 1.5%-to-2.5% monitoring range for expected core inflation over the short term.

    We strongly believe that the medium-term objective should be a point rather than a range, and that it should be expressed in terms of headline inflation. The emphasis on headline inflation would indicate that the Committee is focused on all prices, i.e., that it does realize that the public buys all goods and services, including gas and groceries! Setting the medium-term target as a point would help bring clarity to the Committee's ultimate goal and, importantly, distinguish it from the monitoring range.

    The monitoring range would bracket the medium-term point objective. Setting the monitoring range for expected core inflation over the short term, rather than headline inflation, would reflect the Committee's long-standing view that core inflation is a better predictor of trends in headline inflation than is today's headline inflation. Headline inflation is just too volatile over the short run to be a reliable indicator of its trend.

    Our proposal reflects our view that current circumstances should, and may, lead the FOMC to rethink the weight it places on achieving a strict inflation objective in the short run, relative to promoting full employment. In particular, given how far the FOMC is from its full-employment objective these days, the Committee should be able to put in place policies that are likely to lead to some short-term overshooting of its medium-term inflation objective.[3] But our proposal goes beyond addressing the current weakness in economic conditions. We view MRIT as a permanent new operating regime for the FOMC, one that would reinforce its commitment to price stability without jeopardizing its ability to address the other side of its dual mandate.

    Why Do We Consider MRIT to be "Above the Line?" [4]
    In a recent commentary we discussed various options that we consider to be "above the line," i.e., options that would be in consideration under current circumstances. MRIT was not included in that commentary (because we hadn't thought of it at that time) but we consider it to be essentially a combination of two options that we included in that list: announcing an explicit inflation target and price-level targeting. Better still, we consider MRIT to have some of the key benefits of each of these two options but, potentially, without their drawbacks.

    Similar to pure inflation targeting, MRIT has the advantage that it helps reinforce the stability of longer-term inflation expectations. Nonetheless, unlike pure inflation targeting, we believe that MRIT would not limit the FOMC's ability to provide further support to the faltering recovery (the other part of the dual mandate), even if current readings on core inflation are at or slightly above the mandate-consistent medium-term inflation target.

    MRIT is similar to price level targeting in that it allows the Committee to temporarily tolerate a rise in inflation beyond the medium-term target. But under price level targeting, the extra tolerance for above-target inflation could lead longer-term inflation expectations to become unmoored, given that the public would not know how much of an overshoot would be tolerated by the Committee in the future.[5] In contrast, the Committee's tolerance of above-target inflation under MRIT is well defined and pre-announced (in the form of the short-term monitoring range).

    Another advantage of MRIT over other easing options is that it doesn't involve an expansion of the Fed's balance sheet-as required by QE3-or a temporary increase in the inflation target, which has been advocated by some, but which, in our opinion, could lead to a significant un-anchoring of longer-term inflation expectations. Indeed, we don't even consider a temporary increase in the inflation target to be an above-the-line option.

    The Benefits of MRIT Today
    To illustrate why the notion of a short-run monitoring range matters, consider the fact that year-to-date core inflation is running at slightly above 2% appears to be a constraint on whether, how, and how aggressively the FOMC should ease in response to the faltering recovery. The Chairman has pretty much said as much.[6] If, instead, the Committee had a short-term monitoring range along the lines discussed above, 2% core inflation would be no impediment for further easing, provided longer-term inflation expectations are still consistent with the Committee's medium-term inflation objective, as they are today.

    MRIT would be especially helpful today when the FOMC is at the zero bound, GDP growth and unemployment rate projections call for more easing, and some, including many on the Committee, either expect or worry that inflation will move to 2% or modestly above. MRIT would signal that the Committee today is prepared to tolerate somewhat higher inflation in the short-run, compared to its 2% medium-term objective.

    Under MRIT, if the labor market does not improve significantly, the FOMC would keep the funds rate "exceptionally low" as long as near-term core inflation is projected to stay within the monitoring range, provided, of course, longer-term inflation expectations remain consistent with the medium-term target. For instance, with core PCE inflation currently running at 1.6% (based on the 12-month change) and not expected to move above 2.5% for a very long time, MRIT would signal that the Committee won't start removing policy accommodation until well beyond 2013.

    The Benefits of MRIT as a New Policy Regime
    We propose MRIT not as a temporary, emergency measure, but as a new, permanent regime. This would show a high degree of confidence that the Committee now believes that MRIT is "best-practice" monetary policy.[7]

    A key benefit of MRIT is that it more fully addresses the Committee's dual mandate than would a pure inflation targeting regime. For instance, the medium-term inflation target component of MRIT fully incorporates the Committee's price stability objective, whereas the notion of a short-term monitoring range, which allows inflation to deviate from the medium-term objective over the short-run, would give the Committee the flexibility it needs to address the full-employment portion of its congressionally-mandated objective.

    What about Long-Term Inflation Expectations?
    Could the FOMC really signal greater tolerance for moderately above-target inflation over the short run without upsetting long-term inflation expectations? We believe that confidence that the Committee can keep long-term inflation expectations anchored is the absolute precondition for proceeding with MRIT. Maintaining stable long-term inflation expectations is especially important, and perhaps challenging, if core inflation moves toward the upper end of the monitoring range over the next year or two.

    How could the FOMC meet this challenge? The answer, of course, is effective communication. The Committee would have to be extremely clear about its intent and the short- and medium-term implications of the new policy regime for the conduct of monetary policy. An essential part of this communication must be to emphasize and hammer home that the FOMC is as committed as ever to achieving price stability (its medium-term inflation objective). The practical question here is whether Chairman Bernanke could get the job done. We think he can!

    Blowing in the Wind?
    We have set out a proposal here that we think makes sense, that would be very effective today, and that dominates, perhaps by a wide margin, any other option the FOMC has available, especially QE3. We have not heard anyone, inside or outside the Committee, even mention this option.[8] So are we blowing in the wind, or is MRIT possibly an above-the-line option that might be discussed (though not implemented) as early as this month? We don't really know.

    We admit that a motivation for offering this proposal is to increase the odds that the Committee will carefully look at it, sooner rather than later. We are being more speculative than normal here, but we can imagine something akin to MRIT being announced as early as January. But then again, maybe we're just too enamored with our own proposal!

    The Bottom Line
    We proposed a new regime for the FOMC, which we called monitoring-range inflation targeting (MRIT). Under MRIT, the FOMC would announce an explicit medium-term target for headline inflation and a short-term monitoring range for expected core inflation. A key benefit of MRIT is that it would reinforce the FOMC's commitment to price stability over the medium term while also giving the Committee some room to provide additional stimulus over the short run. We believe that MRIT dominates other easing options that are currently under consideration. In addition, MRIT could easily become a permanent new regime for the Committee and not just another emergency action taken to address the aftermath of the Great Recession. A main challenge with adopting MRIT is the risk that it might unsettle longer-term inflation expectations. This is a communication challenge that, we believe, could be handled by Chairman Bernanke. At any rate, other potentially effective easing actions currently on the table would present even greater communication challenges.

    [1] We are not saying that the FOMC should ask Congress to change the Federal Reserve Act to set price stability as its single objective. As the Chairman has commented in the past, the Committee could put it in terms of a mandate-consistent inflation rate.
    [2] The Bank of Canada's (BoC) inflation targeting regime comes the closest to our proposal. The BoC sets its inflation objective (called the "inflation-control target") as a range of 1% to 3% for headline inflation but indicates that it is aiming for 2% in the medium term. As a result, we view the BoC regime more as having a point target than a range target. The BoC also sets a shorter-term guideline for core inflation, called the "operational guide." This range, however, has no official status, and it was not mentioned in the "Joint Statement of the Government of Canada and the Bank of Canada on the Renewal of the Inflation-Control Target," November 23, 2006.
    [3] Our proposal has some of the spirit of the risk management approach practiced under Greenspan. For instance, that approach held that, when there is a risk of deflation but no deflation in the forecast, the FOMC should put in place a policy so stimulative that it might overshoot its medium-term inflation objective if its forecast turns out to be correct.
    [4] Please see our Policy Focus commentary, "Above the Line and Below the Line: A Peek into the FOMC's Easing Toolkit," August 25, 2011.
    [5] In a price level targeting regime, the Committee operates as if it had a time-varying effective inflation target. In particular, such a regime can be thought of as one where the Committee targets an average inflation rate over a given horizon. For instance, if the averaging period were four years, and inflation were averaging a full percentage point below its target over the preceding two years, the Committee would then have to aim for approximately a full percentage point overshoot, on average, over the subsequent two years. If this sounds complicated, you're not alone. Explaining a price level targeting regime to the public would itself be a challenge, much less implementing it!
    [6] Please see Chairman Bernanke's testimony on the semiannual Monetary Policy Report to the Congress on July 13 and July 14, 2011. Please also see his press conference on June 22, 2011.
    [7] From a modeling perspective, MRIT would involve a non-linear policy function, whereby the FOMC doesn't respond to fluctuations in core inflation that still leave it within the monitoring range but reacts strongly when core inflation falls outside the range. Of course, the FOMC would respond vigorously to deviations of longer-term inflation expectations from the medium-term inflation target, as well as to conditions in the labor market.
    [8] President Evans, to be sure, got close to it in a recent speech, though his thinking seems closer to price level targeting than to MRIT. Please see Evans, Charles, 2011. "The Fed's Dual Mandate Responsibilities and Challenges Facing U.S. Monetary Policy." Remarks delivered at the European Economics and Financial Centre in London, United Kingdom on September 7, 2011.

    This is from a commentary that was published on September 7, 2011.

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